Never two without three: the Office of the National Assembly rejected this Wednesday, October 8, the third resolution proposal launched by rebel France on Wednesday, October 8 to dismiss Emmanuel Macron.
A predictable scenario, since the conditions for this procedure are difficult to meet. LFI will only have managed to pass the first step: the motivator and the signature of its text by at least a tenth of the members of the National Assembly (58). Therefore, 104 deputies, some of whom come from ecological and communist groups, supported the initiative.
They all considered that, in accordance with Article 68 of Emmanuel Macron’s Constitution, he had to leave the Elysée due to “failure to fulfill his duties obviously incompatible with the exercise of his mandate.”
For his “dismissal motion” to go further, the green light from the National Assembly office was necessary. LFI obtained it during its first attempt in September 2024.
A mainly unfavorable assembly
But at that time, the left had the majority in this executive body of the Bourbon Palace. He lost it last week, when key positions in the National Assembly were rejected, due to reciprocal support between the presidential camp and the extreme right, who returned to office after a year of absence.
No matter what, crossing this obstacle would not have been enough. The rest of the course? The Law Examination Committee followed, whatever its outcome, an entry on the agenda in the public session within 13 days. During the first rebel proposal, the Commission of Presidents of the Assembly was rejected, in particular which brings together the heads of political groups and committee presidents.
If the text had been examined, it would have required a two-thirds majority of deputies (386 out of 577) to continue on its legislative path. A challenge: so far, the rebels, who have a group of 71 parliamentarians in the Assembly, only have the support of certain deputies from the ecological group (38 members) or the group that brings together electrical and overseas officials (17 members).
This is almost all, if we do not take into account the elected officials of the Liot Independent Group (22 deputies), a formation in which freedom of voting reigns, but of which one of the imminent members, Charles de Courson, judged that a departure of the president would resolve “the institutional crisis.”
In any case, the account is not there. Nothing of the sort. The Socialist Party (69 deputies) is against the dismissal. The same goes for the old presidential majority (161 deputies) or the Les Républicains Party group (50 deputies), even if certain right-wing personalities such as Jean-François Copé or David Lisnard (who are not deputies) are in favor of a resignation by Emmanuel Macron.
Senate, High Court…an obstacle course
These groups only bring together 280 elected officials, which is more than enough to avoid a firing. And again, this total does not include the National Rally (123 deputies) and its ally UDR (15 deputies). However, if the far right judged, from the voice of Marine Le Pen, that a resignation of Emmanuel Macron would be “wise”, it has never openly supported a provision and especially demands a dissolution of the National Assembly.
Even in the case of a favorable vote, the division must be voted on under the same conditions by the Senate, where the right and the center are in a position of strength, while rebellious France is not represented. Once again, the road seems to be a dead end. Especially since there would be a final step: the majority vote of two-thirds of the parliamentarians gathered in the High Court.
Suffice it to say that such a procedure, also launched by LR, unsuccessfully, in 2016 for the disclosure of secret information, has almost no chance of success.
However, Rebel France continues to push for the president’s resignation since he refused to name a leftist prime minister in the summer of 2024, when he had come out on top in the legislative elections with a very relative majority.
In the eyes of the rebels, only a deviation from the president will establish the current political crisis. In the absence of dismissal, the decision belongs to the latter. But it can be greatly weakened and contested by successive government reversals. LFI only knows this too well.
Source: BFM TV
