Arrudas
Of the hundreds of episodes of campaign violence, Marcelo Arruda, treasurer of the PT in Foz do Iguaçu, the most shocking, as filmed by security cameras, was shot and killed during his 50th birthday party, alongside family and friends, by a bolsonarista intruder.
B for Bolsonarism
After all, what is “bolsonarismo”, a movement that brings together orphans of the moderate PSDB with fans of the dictatorship, going through flat-Earthers? Time will tell. But the latest neologism of Brazilian politics, even in the event of defeat, “will endure,” predicts the unsuspecting Lula. However, political scientists envision a process of cannibalism as one of the main currents.
C by Cassio Cenali
Every election in Brazil has a theme word: the 2018 elections started with a C, for corruption. Also from 2022: the C, for Food. The video shot by Cassio Cenali, the Bolsonarista boss with two Cs as initials refusing a packed lunch of rice and beans to hungry Ilza Rodrigues just because she was Lula, summed up the campaign theme with sadistic sophistication.
D from Datapovo
Brazil’s leading polling institute, Datafolha, like all credible rival companies, has consistently given Lula the first and Bolsonaro the second, much to the ire of the latter’s supporters, who responded to the numbers with photographic accounts of the demonstrations to be held. . president, called them “Datapovo”.
And van Ey, Ey, Eymael
“Lula Lá, Sem Medo de Ser Feliz”, because it was the campaign theme of the poll leader, was on the lips of many people. But Brazil’s most famous slogan is the recurring “Ey, Ey, Eymael, um Christian Democrat,” from Constituent Eymael, running for president for the sixth time in a row. In 2018, Eymael had 0.04%, but then, as now, he said he “saw signs” that he would contest the second round.
F for wide front
To corner Bolsonaro extremely, Lula started by inviting former opponent Geraldo Alckmin [ver letra P] for vice. They were then joined by environmental activist Marina Silva and banker Henrique Meirelles, both candidates in 2018. Later even Joaquim Barbosa, the stern judge of the PT’s Mensalão, and Reale Junior, one of the signatories to Dilma’s ouster. Even Faria Lima, also with F, a sort of Brazilian Wall Street, met the ex-unionist and left smiling. Speaking of the letter F, Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC), himself, hinted in a note that he was with his old rival, despite his PSDB backing Simone Tebet.
Holy War G
When one of the candidates has the motto “God, Fatherland, Family and Freedom” and always travels accompanied by a preacher, religion necessarily comes into the campaign, not least because Brazil is the country with the most Catholics and the second country with the most Protestants in the world. . Roughly speaking, very rudely, the former vote for Lula, the latter for Bolsonaro.
H of Haddad
The Brazilian elections don’t just live off the race for the Plateau. There are 1,607 vacancies to be filled in both the executive and legislative branches, including the governor of São Paulo, where a third of the country’s GDP is concentrated. There, a test-tube dispute before 2026 takes place between Fernando Haddad, Lula’s dauphin, and Tarcísio Freitas, Bolsonaro’s dauphin.
Me from Imbroxable
As fate would have it, the commemorations of the 200th anniversary of Brazil’s independence took place during a campaign. In it, Bolsonaro, president and candidate (much more candidate than president), called Lula a thief, compared the physiques of the women of both and led the “relentless” chorus to general embarrassment.
J for Jefferson
Three candidates failed to reach the target. Pablo Marçal, a coach whose party, PROS, decided at the last minute to support Lula, André Janones, who reached 2% in the polls but stepped down to become a nervous supporter of the former president, and Roberto Jefferson, who was ineligible for criminal reasons. Without Jefferson, Brazil could meet its eccentric replacement, Father Kelmon (who is not a priest), Bolsonaro’s aide in the debates.
K for Kid Bengal
Speaking of Kelmon’s K, another K stood out: The candidate for Deputy Kid Bengala, a former pornographic actor whose catchphrase “I’m going to put my dick in this mess” was rejected for violating decency. Still in K, Lula infuriated the Bolsonaristas by comparing their September 7 demonstrations to rallies of the infamous Ku Klux Klan.
L from L
In 2018 there was corruption and food in 2022, in 2018 the fashion gesture was the “arminha”, pro-Bolsonaro, and in 2022 the “L”, pro-Lula. Coincidentally, in both gestures the index finger and thumb are stretched and the other fingers contracted, the difference being in the direction in which they are given.
M for Michelle
To captivate women, Bolsonaro called on the first lady for the campaign. She was known for the dress she brought to Isabel II’s funeral, for calling Lulist actress Bruna Marquezine ugly and vulgar, for asking to fast for Jesus in a country where 33 million people are starving, and for being was involved in an argument with her husband’s wife. ex., Cristina, and her son, Jair Renan, about whom it deserved to be nicknamed “Bolsonaro”.
Nona’s No.
Since the re-democratization in 1985, there have been eight presidential elections. In the first Collor de Mello defeated Lula, in the second and third FHC won the former unionist, in the fourth and fifth he defeated José Serra, first and Geraldo Alckmin, then in the sixth and seventh Dilma won the repeater Serra and Aécio Neves. The eighth, four years ago, saw Bolsonaro overtake Haddad.
The of Mandatory
Voting in Brazil is mandatory – those who fail to fulfill their duty can even refuse bank loans. It is also electronic – the voter enters the number corresponding to each of the candidates (Lula is 13, Bolsonaro is 22), in addition to electing governor, senator, and federal and state representatives. And it will be simultaneous for the first time this year – despite the country’s three time zones, all polling stations close at 5pm in Brasília, at 9pm in Lisbon.
Chuchu Popsicle P
In 2006, the PT coined the nickname “Picolé de chuchu” in Geraldo Alckmin, the then PSDB candidate, due to the alleged lack of charisma of Lula’s rival. After 16 years, Lula and Alckmin stand side by side, as candidates for president and vice president. “The dish of the year in Brazil is Lula with Chuchu”, Alckmin summed up. Bolsonaro, in turn, dated Tereza Cristina, the agriculture minister, to add female support, Gilson Machado, tourism minister and accordionist in his spare time, to add support in the northeast but ended up in the uniformed arms of Braga Netto, another general, after Hamilton Mourão, in 2018, as a candidate for vice.
Q of Quilombolas
Although 56% of the Brazilian population consists of blacks and browns, according to the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) in Congress, only 17.8% of parliamentarians are black. And there is no quilombola – inhabitant of one of the six thousand quilombos, villages of slaves who escaped slavery, that still exist in the country. For now: This year, 17 quilombola candidates were launched for delegates in 13 states.
R for race
Speaking of race, candidates must indicate what they belong to: white, black, brown… Antônio Carlos Magalhães Neto [ACM Neto], candidate for the government of Bahia, declared himself brown, despite being white. Rivals called him “afroconvenient” and accused him of using artificial tanning during the campaign. He replied that he was burned because of the streets.
S by Sergio Moro
ACM Neto is one of the leaders of União Brasil, to which former minister Sergio Moro migrated in the middle of the pre-campaign, convinced he would be a presidential candidate. He eventually fought for a seat in the Senate. For the Planalto, União started with the introduction of Luciano Bivar, but chose the repentant Bolsonarista Soraya Thronicke.
Third Way T
For months the press speculated about the third way candidate, the alternative to Bolsonaro and Lula. He covered almost the entire alphabet, from TV presenters, such as Luciano Huck, to former Bolsonarist ministers, such as Sergio Moro and Luiz Henrique Mandetta, who passed PSDB barons, such as João Doria or Eduardo Leite, until he reached the letter T, through tebet. . However, the senator remains fourth in the polls, on par with Ciro Gomes.
You from Helpful
Ciro Gomes started off by making Bolsonaro the main target, then swapped him for Lula and finally ranted against the “useful voice”. A losing battle, as even his brothers Cid and Ivo Gomes switched sides in Ceará, the family’s home state.
V from Vera Magalhaes
Journalists are not news, but Vera Magalhães, in a debate, called Bolsonaro’s “greatest shame of Brazilian journalism” and the pivot of a fight between a deputy, who filmed and threatened her, and a television director, who defended her by his cell throw away phone away, ended involuntary protagonist of the campaign.
W of Windsor
While Brazil was still dusting off the “unbroxatile” speech on Sept. 7, Bolsonaro flew to Isabel II’s funeral in Windsor, where he attacked gender ideology and the left over the queen’s coffin from the hotel’s balcony. He then went to the UN to hear Joe Biden demand that Brazilian ballot results be respected, with no tropical capitals.
X from Xandão
The players are introduced, here is the referee: Alexandre de Moraes, President of the Electoral Court (TSE). The Supreme Court justice, justice minister in Temer’s government, has defended electronic voting and fought fake news. That’s why bolsonaristas hate him and lulistas applaud him, to the point that he nicknames him, on social networks, supporting Xandão. . If in 2018 fake news focused on morals – Haddad, they said, would set the “cock bottle” [biberon de pirilau] to fight homophobia – in 2022 it will target ill-conceived hoaxes about the risks of electronic voting machines.
Y from Youtube
It’s not just Bolsonaro protesting, though: Lula’s campaign complained to the TSE that the YouTube algorithm promotes exposure of pro-Bolsonaro videos when sharing content from Jovem Pan, a communications group sympathetic to the government and by the left “Jovem Klan” is called.
Z from Zema
In Brazil, miners are said to “eat on the edge”, that is, they achieve their targets slowly and discreetly. This is the case of Romeu Zema (Novo), close to reelection to the government of Minas Gerais, the country’s second-largest electoral college, and poised to inherit the spoils of the right in the 2026 presidential election, in the event of Bolsonaro’s loss.
Source: DN
