Dissolution of the Assembly of the Republic, resignation of the government or do nothing and stick to the “getting used to” announced by António Costa?
The dissolution of all democratically elected presidents has already done it. Ramalho Eanes did it three times (1979, 1983 and 1985), Mário Soares used this power only once (1987), Jorge Sampaio also did it twice (2001 and 2004), horse hisses once (2011) and Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa in 2021.
And in these cases the decision of the president “does not necessarily mean the resignation of the government, but it does imply planning new parliamentary elections” nor many justificationsS. The president must “listen to the Council of State and the parties represented in the Assembly of the Republic”, but it is not “legally bound by the majority sentence” of these hearings.
The other possibility, the resignation of the government on presidential initiative, can only take place if the president of the republic understands that “this becomes necessary to ensure the regular functioning of the democratic institutions, after hearing the Council of State”. But aside from obvious things like “the government’s inability to maintain a parliamentary majority that approves fundamental measures such as the state budget”, the rest is not easy to determine.
The difference between “prestige of institutions” [expressão usada por Marcelo] and “regular functioning of institutions” [como prevê a Constituição] makes the difference here.
And Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa, he said yesterday, “disagrees with Costa’s position” regarding the political reading of the facts [Caso TAP e em particular a questão “sensível” do SIS] It is with regard to the perception resulting therefrom by the Portuguese, with regard to the prestige of the institutions they govern”, but the disagreement, which is not the first – “it is clear that there have been diverging views over these years,” Costa said yesterday -, left the president “tied up”. [palavras de um dirigente do PS] to the “promises made in the New Year’s message”, and which it has repeatedly confirmed.
the promises
“It is within our reach to benefit from European funds that are unrepeatable and with a well-defined deadline. Now all this is within our reach. And I will never tire of insisting that it would be inexcusable for us to defeat it. 2023 is decisive, so, because if we lose it, in international intervention, in European action, in stability that delivers results and that is effective, in opportunities to attract people and resources, in judicious and timely use of European funds, the comfort of convincing ourselves that we still have 2024, 2025 and 2026 ahead of us is of no use. A lost 2023 irreversibly jeopardizes the following years’ said Marcello.
Now, this is the “promise” that partially supports the “strong position” of the Prime Minister who “knows that Marcelo does not want to be responsible for wasting the” European funds that are unrepeatable “, as he said, or for the stability that runs to to defend”underlines the same source.
Even because, “until 2024 it should not go much further, because it cannot be, than to say that “the year 2023 is very important, it is the year in which we will see whether the efficiency we want in the spending of European funds and in the progress of the country” or try to make changes in the government, as he now wanted”, he adds.
Another scenario is the resignation of the Prime Minister, as was the case with Barroso, leading Sampaio to accept Santana Lopes as his designated successor because there were conditions to ensure “political stability”, in this case the PSD/CDS majority and ” political consistency, will and legitimacy”. In the current scenario, Costa’s removal of his own free will has already been considered [a saída para um cargo europeu]but has always been denied by himself until now.
And the PSD?
Montenegro, which again yesterday said it was ready to become prime minister, refused to be “because of him and the PSD that there will be early elections. We don’t ask for them, but we don’t refuse them either. Yes, we are prepared for whatever it takes,” and who already assumed in statements to DN that he was “preliminarily” preparing a new government – and “only a majority” – acknowledges the possibility of a social minority government Democrat in early elections.
“And the PS? Does it join parties that don’t trust the EU and NATO? Will they go back? Or will it be available, if that scenario arises, to do to a PSD government, for example what Professor Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa did with the PS government of England Guterres? Despite the fact that this government has a relative majority, still provide conditions of political stability for the implementation of its program? These questions are also put to the PSthe PSD leader told DN.
Yesterday’s lunch in Lisbon between Luís Montenegro and Rui Rocha, leader of the IL, for example, served to emphasize the “alternative”. It is almost guaranteed that, in the event of an election, both will go to separate votes. The Liberal Initiative has always rejected pre-election coalition scenarios.
On yesterday’s “pure fiction”, Galamba’s resignation and Costa’s refusal, Luís Montenegro says that “Portugal does not need this lightness, this frivolity, this lack of principles. For this prime minister, everything is a game. A game of opportunism. A political theater play (…) Without any program, without any motivation, the prime minister resorts to a war of palaces and wants to solve his lack of leadership, democratic authority and institutional credibility in a greedy race for early elections”. psd? “We are serene and unhurried. But, I say it honestly, I feel that Portugal has less and less time to lose.””.
However, the PS came for her number two yesterday to assure her institutional respect for all sovereign bodies. This government has legitimacy from the start, but also legitimacy to exercise”.
“Original legitimacy,” says João Torres, deputy secretary-general, “because it was the Portuguese, a little over a year ago, who chose government stability” and “exercise legitimacy because the government has a solid majority and is implementing its government program, delivering results to the Portuguese”.
For the PSD, he left two accusations: “Vaccuumity” and “lack of constructive feeling”. AND what was “pure fiction” for Montenegro is for João Torres the “normal functioning of democratic institutions, with dignity and institutional responsibility”.
The “normal operation” will also have been through a phone call, according to SIC Notícias, that António Costa told Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa after the long meeting, on Tuesday afternoon, which lasted almost two hours, to inform him that he would not accept João Galamba’s resignation.
“And despite the fact that we are going through all of this, the truth is that employment is maxed out, businesses are not closed, the economy is growing like it hasn’t for many years, companies are exporting like they had never exported before. And that’s why we have only one reason to say: meet the challenges and we will win. And that’s what we’re going to do,” said António Costa yesterday in Braga.
The silence
And Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa? The president will not have a public agenda until Friday [Londres, para a coroação de Carlos III, entre 05 e 06 de maio; Yuste, Espanha, entre 08 e 09 de maio; e Estrasburgo entre 09 e 10 de maio] and are not allowed to file a declaration for this “for the time being”. It remains unclear what he said about “conclusions”, and whether there will be any, when Costa announced Joao Galamba and Marina Gonçalves to replace Pedro Nuno Santos in early January.
“If it works, it’s a good idea. If it doesn’t, we’ll draw conclusions,” guaranteed Marcelo.
Yesterday he promised clarification: “I will certainly have the chance to tell the Portuguese what I think, but not now, not now, not today”.
Source: DN
